Afghanistan and Pakistan have played key roles in the events following the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks in the United States. Since the U.S.-led ouster of the Taliban regime in Afghanistan and the subsequent installation of interim President Hamid Karzai in June 2002, progress has been made toward an open, democratically elected government, especially in the wake of the ratification of a new constitution at a loya jirga (a conference of tribal leaders) in January 2004. General elections are scheduled for June 2004, but an increasing number of observers favor postponing them due to lingering security and logistical problems that have prevented a majority of eligible voters from registering to vote or even accessing basic information about the elections.
The situation is equally tense and complicated in neighboring Pakistan. Although President Pervez Musharraf seized power in a coup and has extended his tenure through undemocratically dubious measures, the U.S. government has offered muted criticism at best because it considers him a key ally in the fight against terrorism. At the same time, Musharraf s hold on power is tenuous: he narrowly escaped two recent assassination attempts and much of the country s border region with Afghanistan is lawless land controlled by remnants of the Taliban (including Osama bin Laden, most analysts believe). Pakistan has also been roiled by a scandal involving its top nuclear scientist, who was accused of selling nuclear secrets to Libya, Iran, and North Korea yet was pardoned by Musharraf.
In this OSI forum, journalist Ahmed Rashid, a native of Pakistan who has traveled extensively in both countries and elsewhere in Central Asia, discussed the complex, changing political relationships between the United States and these two key nations in the ongoing U.S. antiterrorism efforts. He also outlined key issues, both geopolitical and local, that he believes should play a role in determining whether the Afghanistan elections proceed as scheduled given the region s instability. Rashid is the author of two recent bestselling books, Taliban: Militant Islam, Oil and Fundamentalism in Central Asia and Jihad: The Rise of Militant Islam in Central Asia.
Sumary
Citing a lack of security and international funding, a leading expert on Afghanistan is urging a postponement of elections in the country now scheduled for June. The expert, journalist and author Ahmed Rashid, also stressed during a forum at OSI’s New York office on February 20, that Bush administration support for authoritarian regimes in Pakistan and Central Asia is damaging the chances for success of Afghanistan’s democratization process.
Rashid characterized Afghanistan as “a land-locked country surrounded by enemies.” The bulk of the population has yet to experience the benefits of the U.S.-backed stabilization effort that followed the ouster of the Taliban regime in late 2001, he added. “For all of 2002 and much of 2003, the United States had a one-track policy: find Osama bin Laden and the Taliban. Nation-building was a low, second priority.” Under a political formula known as the Bonn Accord, agreed upon in December 2001, Afghanistan was expected to complete its political transition process by holding simultaneous presidential and parliamentary elections this June.
“The burning question now is, can elections be held in June?” Rashid asked. He went on to assert that a large number of Afghans in the country’s governmental and civil society sectors opposed holding elections in June. “Many Afghans don’t see the security situation as ready,” he said. At the same time, he recounted a conversation with Afghan President Hamid Karzai, who expressed concern that “defying the June mandate [specified in the Bonn accord] would render his government illegitimate.”
Echoing Karzai’s concern, the Bush administration appears to strongly favor holding at least presidential elections in June. A U.S. newspaper quoted Zalmay Khalilzad, the Bush administration’s ambassador to Afghanistan, as saying on February 18 that postponing elections would trigger a “crisis of legitimacy.”
Rashid strongly criticized the U.S. stance, charging that the Bush administration is letting self-interest get in the way of sound policy. “As is the case in Iraq, the [sovereignty] agenda has been set by the American [presidential] election. It’s not being set by the realities on the ground,” he said. Disregarding existing conditions and proceeding with the election would “shortchange” Afghans, Rashid said. Over the last six months or so, he continued, a greater international emphasis on reconstruction had started to foster hope for Afghans. He specifically cited several projects to disarm Afghan militia groups and improve the country’s shattered infrastructure. “Big money is going to education, health care and road building,” he said. “There is a lot of good that’s finally starting to happen.”
This process would “come to a grinding halt” if officials carry out plans for a nationwide election in June. To promote a secure environment for the holding of elections, U.S. officials have discussed the possibility of hastily creating a so-called Afghan Guard, Rashid said. This would mean “rebuilding militias,” thus undermining a United Nations-sponsored disarmament program that seeks to neutralize warlords’ power in Afghanistan’s provinces, he asserted.
“Do you think militias won’t intimidate Afghans before the elections?” Rashid asked. “Of course they will.”
Rashid also cited a lack of funding as necessitating a postponement. “The elections are expected to cost $100 million, yet not a penny has been allocated” by the international community, Rashid said. He added that it would be unwise to decouple the presidential and parliamentary elections, an option apparently favored by some in the Bush administration. He argued that holding a presidential election while postponing a parliamentary vote would be destabilizing. Postponing the elections one year would not endanger the Karzai government’s legitimacy, Rashid contended. “That would give programs an extra year to take hold,” he said.
Rashid proposed that the UN should assuming “the onus of postponement” by making the formal announcement at a March donors’ conference in Berlin. He argued that the international body could shield Karzai from accusations of power-grabbing and enable Bush administration officials to take political cover. Rashid summarized the argument this way: “We’re sorry [it took so long,] but we’re doing really good work.” The chances of such a scenario unfolding, however, appear slim. “When I put [my case] to American officials,” said Rashid, “the American argument was: well, if we delay, this will be seen as a victory for al Qaeda.”
Central Asia
Not only is the U.S. determination to hold elections in June endangering Afghanistan’s stabilization prospects, the Bush administration’s tolerance of authoritarian regimes in Central Asian states is creating a hostile environment for Afghanistan’s democratization process, Rashid said.
Since the September 11 terrorist attacks, the United States has forged stronger strategic ties with Central Asian states, in particular those that border Afghanistan. U.S. military forces are now stationed at bases in Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan, providing support for ongoing anti-terrorism operations in Afghanistan. Concurrent with the expansion of the U.S. strategic presence in Central Asia, regional rulers have clamped down in their respective countries, often citing terrorism concerns in an effort to neutralize legitimate domestic political opposition and restrict basic human rights, in particular freedom of speech. “All [Central Asian states] are more repressive today than before 9/11,” Rashid stated, adding that this was a “poor reflection” on U.S. regional policy. He suggested that the U.S. tolerance for despotic practices was fanning discontent in Central Asia, thus abetting the efforts of Islamic radicals there to expand their support base. A “far more nuanced” U.S. policy towards Central Asia is “desperately needed” to reverse the existing negative trends in the region, Rashid said.
Pakistan
Rashid also criticized U.S. policy toward Pakistan, which since a 1999 military coup has been ruled by Gen. Pervez Musharraf—who subsequently declared himself president and won approval for a five-year term in a 2002 referendum that was widely viewed as flawed.
Rashid said that although Musharraf allied himself with the United States after 9/11, U.S. policymakers have not used their influence to urge the president to focus on key domestic issues such as the promotion of democracy and education reform. Few madrassahs have been closed, Rashid said, and U.S.-sponsored efforts to “modernize” them are “nonsense.” The Pakistani government should instead posit viable alternatives to the madrassahs by revitalizing the collapsed state education system, he said.